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Donna de Mala Vita
By David Snow
As the result of an unidentified illness, María de Jesús Trujillo, 43 years old, died at her home in Albuquerque's Los Poblanos in mid June of 1855 (AASF, 1854-59, roll 34, frame 33). The inventory of her estate was filed October 10 by administrator José Manuel Gallegos, former parish priest at San Felipe de Neri in Albuquerque, with whom Jesusita, by all accounts, had carried on an “illicit love affair.” Among her properties was a house situated in Albuquerque consisting of nine rooms, zaguan, and corral, valued at 735 pesos (perhaps, her home in Los Poblanos), and another house 'near the church' (“cerca de la iglesia”) of eleven rooms, with two zaguanes and a corral, valued at 800 pesos. Aside from miscellaneous household furnishings, kitchen utensils, eight religious prints in their gold-leaf frames, and “20 piesas de barro manifatura del país,” she owned a four-room house in Santa Fe, and five parcels of land, three in Santa Fe, and two at El Gusano, at Pecos, where her father and friends had received a grant in 1814 (the estate inventory is in Bernalillo County Deed Book B:229-31; Hall 1984:19-20 for Trujillo's El Gusano grant; Hinojos Family Papers # 10, 1840 sale of land at El Gusano to María de Jesús Trujillo).
The house near the church has been the subject of some interest to historians, as it was San Felipe's rectory, house of the parish priest, the same José Manuel Gallegos, where, on October 15, 1846, Lt. Abert remarked on the “very handsome lady” who “graced the establishment” (Abert 1962:73). Gallegos sold the rectory to Bishop Lamy in 1856 for $1,000.00 following protracted efforts by Lamy's Vicar General Machebeuf to obtain possession of the parish and rectory; efforts that culminated in a suit against Gallegos in 1854-55 in an attempt to force him to relinquish the rectory (Steele n. d.). The property, when Gallegos sold it to Lamy, was described as: “All the piese [sic] or parcel of land with the building thereon known as the convent in the parish of Albuquerque” (Bernalillo County Deed Book C:4-5, frame 354-55). Historians assume, as did Lamy and Machebeuf, that the rectory was Gallegos' to relinquish following his suspension from priestly duties in 1852 (Horgan 1975:196-97; Chavez 1985; Snow 1993; Steele n. d.). Gallegos claimed that when he was assigned to Albuquerque in 1845, he found the rectory so dilapidated that not a single room was habitable – a slight exaggeration, perhaps – and, as a result, he obtained permission from Bishop Zubiría to refurbish the rectory and to have outright ownership of the structure, permission that was granted him by the Bishop.
Among the documents filed with Valencia Country District Court in Machebeuf's suit (where it was moved in 1855 at the request of Gallegos' lawyer), is one signed at Santa Fe on September 24, 1845 by Durango's Bishop, José Antonio Laureano de Zubiría, and witnessed by Fray José Francisco Terrazas. Zubiría wrote:
Consecuente con la facultad que nos confiere el derecho canónico y en atención a la
pobreza en que se incuentra la Santo Yglesia de San Felipe Neri de Alburquerque, nos
ha paresido conviniente benderle al Sor Cura propio y jues Ecco Don José Manuel Gallegos el solar de la casa arruinada nombrado convento por la cantidad de cuarenta pesos....(Steele Collection, Valencia County . Civil Court Cases 1855-61, #12-723, folders 552-90; Albuquerque Public Library Special Collections).
Gallegos evidently tacked on additional rooms, perhaps, in anticipation of accommodating Jesusita and her children (Chavez 1985:72). At the bottom of the Zubiría document, with the date of April 4, 1852, is the following note in Gallegos' hand:
Traspaso en favor de la Sra Da Jesusita Trujillo el presente documento para haberle bendido mi casa por la cantidad de ochocientos cincuenta pesos (850 ps) que revició a mi satisfación, las chorreras o límites son los mismos que constan arreglados, mis aciones y [derechos?] que dan tramsmitidos a la compradora y para que conste lo firme. J. Manuel Gallegos (witnessed by Julian Tenorio, juez de pruevas del condado de Bernalillo [rubric] (Steele Collection, Valencia County Civil Cases, 1855-61 # 12-723, folders 552-590; Albuquerque Public Library Special Collections).
This was the same house and property conveyed to Gallegos by Albuquerque's Ayuntamiento on May 28, 1846; and again on Christmas Day of 1847, when the convento was said to consist of “eight useable rooms and one room in ruins...” (AASF, Loose Docs, 1847 # 2). On May 26, 1846, Gallegos had petitioned the town's Ayuntamiento for legal possession of the house called the convent, and its real estate, saying he had found it uninhabitable (“....incontrandose en este estado fatal, podia reedificarlo para apoderle habitar...”). His petition was given unanimous approval in a document signed by Juan Amijo y Ortiz on May 28 1846. Similarly, at the bottom of this document, also in Gallegos' hand, is repeated his earlier note of sale of the convento and premises to Dona Jesusita Trujillo:
Traspaso en favor de Da Jesusita Trujillo el presente documento pa haberle bendido mi casa por la cantidad de 850 en ps que reciví a mi satisfacion, para cuio efecto traspaso mis acciones y [derechos?] qe tenía [en esta?] propiedad en beneficio de la dicha Sa y para constancia lo firmo. J. Manuel Gallegos [rubric]. (Witnessed, again, by Julian Tenorio, September 21, 1852; Steele Collection, ibid.)
In short, five months prior to his suspension by Lamy in September, Gallegos sold his house, the reconstituted rectory, to Doña Jesusita Trujillo, “that damn female,” as Machebeuf referred to her (Chavez 1985:83) (1).
The life of that “damned female,” perhaps, is a fitting testimonial to New Mexico's “independent women” (LeCompte 1986). Doña María de Jesús Trujillo was born to upper-crust Santa Fe society, and the few surviving records that speak to her life, her family, their relationships and associates allow a brief glimpse into aspects of New Mexican society of the period that are all too frequently ignored. LeCompte has characterized Republican New Mexico as “essentially an open society” that, owing in part to increased commerce between the US and Mexico, provided a means for her women “to rise as high as their talent or good luck could take them.” Seeking to correct Yankee judgments about the “loose morals” of New Mexico's women, LeCompte noted that New Mexicans did not hold their women to the idealized characterizations or to the double standard of sexual behavior accorded American women of the period. Nevertheless, Darlis Miller (1986:103) claimed that a double standard did exist in upper-class New Mexican society, one that demanded legal marriage and “chastity for women but allowed men to keep mistresses and flaunt their sexual prowess. In lower-class society, the double standard merged with folk custom that sanctioned greater sexual freedom for women.”
In 1814, prenuptial investigations in New Mexico elicited the comment by the priest that, prior to seeking marriage “neither party had made a vow of chastity for it is not customary in this land” (Chavez 1982:804). Such apparent 'folk customs' seemingly underscore the sanctimonious remarks by Territorial Attorney General, W. W. H. Davis, who wrote that in New Mexico “the standard of female chastity was deplorably low,” that prostitution “is carried to a fearful extent;” and is “so prevalent that the whole moral frame-work of society is rotten and undermined.....” (1938:89). Native of Massachusetts, Davis has been characterized as “a rather prudish man” (Lamar 1998:288). His moral stance was echoed by a New Englander who, in conversation with Alexis de Toqueville in 1832, referred to the “glacial and egotistical virtue of the Americans” (Pierson 1938:248-249). Similarly, Tocqueville quoted a Philadelphian who said that Americans never speak of dogma in church, instead “it's morality that is....discussed” (ibid. p. 313; my emphasis). With obvious satisfaction, Attorney Davis went on to note that:
Of late, an important step has been taken toward a further reformation in the Church....The Bishop [Lamy] has directed that the confessional and communion be denied to all
females who are known to lead immoral lives; and such are not buried according to
the rites of the Church if they die in sin and before confession (ibid. p. 96; for an iteration of Lamy's concerns, see New Mexico's Archbishop Sheehan's contemporary letter to the faithful read at Mass; cited in the Albuquerque Journal, 4/6/11)…
Jesusita was accused of prostitution by two of New Mexico's more prominent religious figures during the period in which she lived. More recently, Fray Angelico Chavez (1985:86-87) denied Jesusita her birthright (having failed to locate her baptismal record) and concluded as a result that she was “Mexican” by birth. According to Chavez, her alleged “business activities,” were uncharacteristic of nuevomexicanas and were like those of Santa Fe's celebrated Mexicana, Doña Tules (2). Nevertheless, Jesusita was a different woman, one who possessed a family treasure – a painting of La Divina Peregrina, Nuestra Señora del Refugio, given to her (or to her mother) by Fray Buenaventura Merino. This heirloom was passed down to her grandson.
María Luisa de Jesús Trujillo was baptized in Santa Fe's Castrense military chapel on June 7, 1812, the daughter of Francisco and María Josefa Montoya, one of their six children baptized there during Francisco's military career (Windham and Baca 2002:14, 21, 30, 34, 36, 39; Olmsted 1980:60. Throughout her life, María de Jesús eschewed use of her full name to avoid confusion, perhaps, with her elder sister, María Luisa. Padrinos at her baptism were Don Diego Montoya, her merchant grandfather, originally of El Paso, and María de la Luz Ortiz, daughter of his second wife, Micaela Baca, recently widowed of Antonio José Ortiz. Diego's father was Don Esmeregildo Montoya, Captain with the First El Paso militia, and a merchant as well. Diego's first wife – Jesusita's grandmother - Francisca Tafoya, was a daughter of María Teresa Fernandez de la Pedrera and Felipe Tafoya, “notario,” alcalde mayor, médico, and Lieutenant General of the Kingdom (Chavez 1992).
Doña Francisca Tafoya's brother, Miguel, was married to Jesusita's great-aunt, Manuela Olguín, whose sister, Juliana, was the wife of Manuel Andrés Trujillo, carpintero, parents of Jesusita's father, Francisco (3). Manuel Trujillo, Diego Montoya, and Francisco Trujillo, served as alcaldes variously, del primer, segundo, and tecer voto at Santa Fe (Francisco in 1828, 1829, 1834, and 1835; e.g., Boyle 1996:60; MANM Roll 10, frames 3 & 19). Don Diego Montoya was a member of the town's Ayuntamiento in 1814, when Francisco Trujillo's grant at El Gusano was approved by that body (Hall 1984:20, identified him simply as “a Montoya”).
Pre-nuptial investigations at Santa Fe, by Fray Francisco de Hozio in 1808, prior to the marriage of José Francisco [Juan Nepomuceno] Ortiz with Jesusita's aunt, María Inés Montoya, revealed that Ortiz had previously had sexual intercourse with Jesusita's mother, María Josefa, who declared that “she loved José Francisco,” and that “they were having sex when they heard a noise at the street. Thinking it might be her husband, José Francisco departed before they completed the act” (Hendricks and Colligan 2000:63).
José stated that he had not ejaculated, leading Fray Francisco de Hozio to determine, as a result, that the event did not constitute a relationship of affinity, as José had feared (such relations were perceived as incest; see Chavez 1982:98). Josefa, mother of a young son at the time, said that she had informed Micaela Baca, her step-mother (José Francisco's mother) of the act, as well as her sister, the intended bride. Unabashed, apparently, at her earlier behavior, in 1819 Josefa and her husband, Francisco Trujillo, were padrinos for a young Navajo girl adopted by none other than Fray Hozio. In spite of Josefa's peccadillo, she was madrina and marriage witness forty-seven times in Santa Fe – far in excess of such occasions by her contemporaries.
Commenting on Mexico's social mores, Riding (1984:50) observed that the authority of the traditional Mexican family was imbued with a moral quality which holds that an “independent woman must somehow be motivated by some sinful intention;” the “obedient woman,” on the other hand, was a “good woman.” Similarly, American women, said LeCompte, were “expected to be pious, chaste, and self-sacrificing, and her place was in the home” (1986:73) – not unlike, apparently, their traditional Mexican counterparts. Nevertheless, MacLachlan and Rodriguez O (1980:237) point out that a woman's role in Colonial Mexican society “was principally determined by the socio-economic status of her family: the greater the family wealth and prestige, the more opportunities opened to women....” Single women, they said, “possessed virtually all the rights and privileges enjoyed by men,” and were “free to act as they chose.” Nineteenth century New Mexico, it must be remembered, was a legacy of Colonial Mexico – not of Colonial New England.
Writing to his bishop at Durango in May of 1844 – that same Bishop Zubiría - the cura propia of Taos, Antonio José Martinez, accused New Mexico's Vicar, Juan Felipe Ortiz, of “tolerating the intolerable,” apparently miffed at Ortiz' attempt to wrest Lo de Mora parish away from Martinez' control, by assigning it to José Manuel Gallegos in March of that year (Chavez 1981:69-70; 1985:13). As a result, Martinez wrote:
In 1840, there came into the parish of Santa Fe the ecclesiastics Don José Lujan and Don
José Manuel Gallegos. After Ortiz had assigned San Juan de los Caballeros with the former as pastor and the latter as his curate, the two sallied forth from the Santa Fe
parish to their appointed post already involved in illicit love affairs....the aforesaid Lujan
taking along a certain Josefa Sanchez, a widow and prostitute, while the aforesaid Gallegos took María de Jesús Trujillo....a prostitute. Sometime before, when she was married, her husband had abandoned her because he could not abide her prostitution,
and he went off to live in some other land. (Steele, n.d.; cited as Archives of the Archdiocese of Durango, “Asuntos de Nuevo Mexico, Varios,” 1844).
This, less than a month after the baptism of Padre Martinez's fourth or fifth child by his housekeeper (Buxton 1981:443). Evidently Lujan and Gallegos, former students of Martinez, had taken their mentor's example to heart (4).
Rather than a foursome, as Martinez implied, Gallegos – with or without Jesusita - replaced Lujan as curate at San Juan parish, at the beginning of April, 1841 (Lujan having been assigned to Belen at the end of March by Bishop Zubiría; Chavez 1957:259). As for Jesusita's husband, on July 15, 1828, at age 16, she married Manuel Romo de Vivar, “originally of Sonora,” in Santa Fe's parochial church of San Francisco - not the military chapel of La Castrense - and I assume, therefore, that he was not a military man, but possibly a merchant. By January 1831, however, Romo was incarcerated in Santa Fe's jail “por el delito de latrocinio” (robbery, unspecified), when a petition was submitted to the alcalde mayor for his release to the custody of his family owing to unsanitary conditions (MANM roll 13, frames 732-33). Whatever the outcome, and there is no follow-up document – nor do I know when the crime was committed and, therefore, for how long Romo had been jailed - Romo no longer appears in surviving New Mexican records. As Padre Martinez claimed, he went off to live in “some other land” most likely with his “family” in Sonora (5). Abandoned, but presumably still married in the eyes of the church, Jesusita was forbidden to remarry as long as Romo lived.
In December of 1831, with “el Captain” Don Blas de Hinojos as padrino, María de Jesús Trujillo was madrina for Guadalupe Vigil, daughter of Donaciano and Refugio Sanches (Windham and Baca 2002:71). Whether or not this marks the beginning of an anticipated long-term relationship between the two (no record of their marriage exists), by 1833 they seem to have been a couple; for in February they were again padrinos at Santa Cruz (Martinez et al 1993b:10); and again in April that year, they were padrinos for Rafael Chacón (Meketa 1986:13). In May the same year, and again in December, they were padrinos, in the latter instance, for a son of Santiago Abreu and Doña Soledad de la O (Martinez et al 1992:7). In apparent confirmation of their relationship, Captain Hinojos and Doña María de Jesús adopted a son, Mariano, on November 7, 1833 (Windham and Baca 2002:171); although three months earlier, “María Trujillo” was identified as the “mother” of a two-day old girl, María Francisca, with padrina Luís María Trujillo (I have been unable to determine his relationship, if any, to Jesusita; Martinez et al 1992:550). Evidently, Hinojos was away from Santa Fe on this latter date, perhaps, as a result of recently assumed duties upon receiving command of New Mexico's military forces (SRCA, Sender Collection, roll 1, #120; Salazar n. d. p. 7). María Francisca, clearly, is the same Francisca Hinojos, aged 6 in the 1841 census of Santa Fe (Vigil 1983:56). Finally, on July 30, 1834, Blas de Hinojos and María de Jesús were padrinos for her niece, daughter of María Luisa Trujillo and Antonio Benavides (Martinez et al 1992:717).
Comandante Hinojos died in an ambush by Navajos at Washington (now Narbona) Pass, in February of 1835. Shortly after his death, an investigation into the theft of two pairs of pants said to belong to Hinojo's estate, revealed that the theft occurred at the home of Francisco Trujillo and in fact, it turned out, one pair belonged to Francisco! (MANM roll 20, frames 546-555). Hinojos's estate proceedings, in 1836, make no mention of Jesusita (or a widow) and after debts amounted to only 99 pesos (among his creditors was Manuel Alvarez; Bloom 1946). The statement of debts owed by the estate was signed, in 1835, by Vicente Sanchez Vergara, Secretary to Governor Manuel Armijo (MANM roll 20, frame. 270; Bloom 1914:26). Sanchez, native of Albuquerque (Hendricks and Colligan 2000:95-96), was a brother-in-law to the governor's brother, “el Colorado,” José Francisco Armijo, both having married Mestas sisters. Whether Sanchez' wife accompanied him to Santa Fe I can not determine. (6).
In August of 1837, Sanchez Vergara was appointed by the rebel Governor, José Gonzales, to head the new office of treasurer, though secretly, Sanchez sided with Armijo (LeCompte 1985:46, 49). Following Governor Perez' assassination, Sanchez Vergara and Padre Martinez (or Manuel Armijo – this is unclear) were to travel south to inform the Mexican government of Perez' death (Reno 1965:205). But, on September 2, 1837, Vicente Sanchez and María de Jesús Trujillo were padrinos for a Lujan child at Santa Fe, possibly a half-brother of Padre José de Jesus Lujan by his father's second wife (Martinez et al 1992:253). Twice in April of 1838, Jesusita and Sanchez Vergara were padrinos in Santa Fe (Martinez et al 1992:510, 362), but I find no further record of Jesusita and Sanchez together nor of Sanchez after 1838, when he served as New Mexico's deputy to Mexican congress until 1845 (LeCompte ibid., p. 170 note 80). Neither have I found any indication that Sanchez served in the military in New Mexico – if, in fact, he was accounted one of the two “Mexican officers” of Machebeuf's version of Jesusita's affairs.
Jesusita was dead little more than a year when Machebeuf, not to be outdone by Martinez's churlishness, penned his own diatribe against Jesusita in July, 1856, referring to her as “donna de mala vita” (Chavez 1985:85). At one time Machebeuf had claimed that all New Mexicans were “ignorant and vicious” (Chavez 1985:81), Anticipating his audience before the Roman curia, Machebeuf prepared Lamy's defense against charges leveled by Gallegos over the Bishop's treatment of New Mexico's secular priests. His petulant tirade smacks of nothing but rumor mongering:
Since the rectory was then partly fallen into ruins, [Gallegos] rented a neighboring house and procured as its housekeeper a married woman but separated from her husband for more than ten years; she had lived successively with two Mexican officers by whom she had three children; one by the Americans, etc., etc., etc.....and engaged in [Gallegos']
commercial business....and all the people very well knew that the damn female had
brought 4,000 pesos, the fruit of her obvious [sexual] disorders, so that both of them spent all of their time in the store, having for their bedrooms two adjoining apartments
with the door between having neither lock nor hook, and in a secluded part of the house.
(cited in Chavez 1985:82-83, who has inserted the word in brackets; italics from Machebeuf's letter).
As for the “Americans, etc., etc.,” of Machebeuf's account, I am inclined to believe that rumor had confused, in Machebeuf's mind, the marriage of Jesusita's younger sister, María Tomasa, with Thomas Rowland at Santa Fe on 21 February,1843 (Windham and Baca 1997:208; Elder and Weber 1996:88 n27, are in error in stating the marriage took place in Taos). Also a merchant, it is likely that Rowland was frequently in Santa Fe and was well-known to Jesusita, her family, and associates. In January of 1838, and March of 1839, three and four years prior to their marriage, for example, María Tomasa Trujillo and Tomás Roles [sic] were padrinos at Santa Fe (Martinez et al 1992:341, 549). In the latter instance, baptism was for María del Rosario, adopted daughter of María de Jesús Trujillo (perhaps the same “Rosaria” in Albuquerque's 1850 Gallegos household census with Jesusita). That Jesusita's sister, María Luisa and her husband, Antonio Benavides, were godparents at San Miguel on several occasions between 1840 and 1844, suggests the possibility that one or the other (or both) might have been employed in Rowland's business.
Rowland's home in San Miguel del Bado was ransacked in the fall of 1841 as a result of his suspected sympathies with the Texan-Santa Fe expedition, although he donated $1000.00 to New Mexico's government for military uniforms (Thomas Chavez 1990:134). Rowland does not appear in the 1841 census of San Miguel (Vigil 1983). Possibly, with his family, he left as the Texan expedition neared San Miguel, in anticipation of joining his brother, John, and William Workman, with a party of New Mexican settlers headed for California. Nevertheless, he and Tomasa were in San Miguel in February of 1842 serving as godparents (Windham and Baca 1997b:179). Rowland was murdered in 1858, according to an anonymous letter to the Santa Fe Weekly, for his money rather than for any suspected Texan sympathies (cited in Stanley 1964:16, from the Santa Fe New Mexican Weekly, March 20, 1864). I have been unable to locate the whereabouts of his widow, Tomasa Trujillo, subsequent to his death.
On October 1, 1848, María de la Luz Rolenes [sic], daughter of Tomás Rolenes, married a military man, Antonio María Vigil, son of Donaciano Vigil, Jesusita's compadre (the mother is not identified; Windham and Baca 1997:232-33; Meketa 1986:126). Donaciano Vigil is said to have purchased lands at San Miguel del Bado; and Blas de Hinojos, apparently, had also been commandante at San Miguel, according to Stanley (1964:7, 10; but I have been unable to verify this). Clearly, however, María de la Luz was not María Tomasa's daughter and in 1836, Tomás Robles [sic] and Dolores Sarracino were padrinos at Santa Fe for a daughter of Tomasa Trujillo's sister, María Luisa and her husband, Antonio Benavides (Martinez et al 1992:71). Dolores Sarracino likely was a daughter or other household member of well-known merchant and former governor Francisco Sarracino.
Doña María de Jesús Trujillo and three Hinojos children – Francisca, Mariano, and Juan, ages 7, 6, and 5 (but not Rosario) - were counted in Santa Fe's 1841 census (Vigil 1983:56), residents in the barrio de San Francisco (7). Their residence was adjacent to (or within) the household of her step-uncle, José Ygnacio Ortiz (brother of José Francisco and her aunt María Inés), on what is today East Palace Avenue, perhaps, in one or another of the compounds known today as Trujillo or Prince Plazas (SANM I: 1314). On one side was the home of merchant, Antonio Rubidoux; on the other, Juan Estevan Sena, who operated a store on the plaza. Whether Jesusita “sallied forth” with Gallegos in March of 1841, following that census, is possible, but is an open question, as it was not until April 10, 1842 that “Doña María de Jesús Trujillo,” with “el Padre,” José Manuel Gallegos were padrinos in San Juan parish for José Guillermo Archuleta, son of José Pantaleón and María Rafaela Aguilar (Martinez et al 1994:25-26). Whether this was María Luisa de Jesus Trujillo or María Felipa de Jesus Trujillo (José Pantaleon's aunt), wife of Diego Ruperto Archuleta (José's brother), also is open to question (8). In Santa Fe, however, on April 11 of 1843, Doña María de Jesús Trujillo and the “priest,” Don José Manuel Gallegos (Martinez et al 1992:556) were godparents; and San Juan baptismal records again record “the priest,” Manuel Gallegos and “Doña María de Jesús Trujillo” as godparents, in September of 1843, for a daughter of Diego Ruperto Archuleta and María Felipa de Jesús Trujillo (Martinez et al 1994:21) - clearly this identifies María Luisa de Jesus.
When and under what circumstances Gallegos and Jesusita became acquainted, I am unable to determine. Newly ordained late in 1839 at Durango, Gallegos traveled to Santa Fe for assignment by his Vicar, Ortiz, and was sent to serve at San Felipe Pueblo for most of the summer of 1840 but was in Santa Fe later, in October. Late in December he was placed under house arrest by Vicar Ortiz for having slandered the wife of the Governor's nephew in public (Chavez' treatment of the issue ignores the fact of Gallegos' house arrest; Chavez 1985:10-11). Not until January 20, 1841 was he released (AASF Accounts, LXXIII, 1837-45, reel 46, frs 516-29;”quien desde su llegada por orden mia ha permanesido en su morada sin poder rec[adar?] uso de su libertad....” ) and was to be banished to Abiquiu. His actual whereabouts until the end of March, however, when he assumed duties at San Juan parish are unknown.
It is certainly plausible, as a newly ordained priest under assignment to the Vicar at Santa Fe, that he might have been introduced to prominent Santa Feans during the fall of 1840 and following spring. These would have included various members of the Vicar's extended Ortiz clan, many of them merchants, including Jesusita's uncles José Ygnacio and José Francisco. That Jesusita and her children, in 1841, resided nearly opposite the parroquia on “Calle del Granero” (East Palace Ave) makes this a plausible scenario. In addition to merchants Rubidoux and Sena on either side of her home, three households away lived Eugenio Archuleta, also a merchant (Boyle 1994:128-29) who was married to a daughter of Gertrudis Pino, the Vicar's step-mother (albeit, by his father's third wife!). Vicar Ortiz had served at San Juan parish in 1828, suggesting the likelihood of long-standing ties with prominent Archuletas of Rio Arriba. Antonio María Trujillo, compadre of the Vicar since 1828 (Martinez et al 199:570) and father-in-law of Diego Ruperto Archuleta, was appointed, in 1837 to collect the tithes in grain and other produce from Pojoaque northward (Chavez 1982:1969) (9). Eugenio and Diego Archuleta were brothers. The possibility that Jesusita's grandfather, Manuel Andrés Trujillo and Antonio María Trujillo were distantly related has not been determined, as I have been unable to identify the parents of Manuel Andrés.
Although appearing with Gallegos for baptism in San Juan parish in 1842, there simply is no evidence, beyond Padre Martinez' claim, that she and her children occupied the San Juan Pueblo mission rectory. Moreover, I find no evidence that Bishop Zubiría, during his visitation to parishes north of Santa Fe in the summer of 1845, commented on a woman and her children resident in San Juan's convento or of Gallegos' affair with a prostitute (hardly an example for the Pueblo people of the community, had that been the case). Presumably in receipt, by then, of Martinez' letter of 1844, the Bishop could hardly have failed to note and remark on such a state of affairs. Nevertheless, Zubiría did re-assign Gallegos to the more lucrative post at Albuquerque's San Felipe de Neri.
Aside from the purported “illicit love affair” with Gallegos, there were, perhaps, other ties or incentives to life in Rio Arriba, not least of which were business opportunities, the result of her extended merchant-family relationships and associations – as well, perhaps, as her own, as Machebeuf and Chavez believed. That her estate included 20 iron bars of 'local manufacture' might be evidence of such activities. Pablo and Tranquilino Gallegos were merchants – particularly, the former - of Rio Arriba (Boyle 1996:142-43; and see Bond 1946:346-47); so too, their brother, the priest José Manuel, who had assets in 1860 valued at $36,000 (Boyle 1996:172). The wife of Don Antonio María Trujillo, María Antonia Lucero, was the aunt of Jose Pablo Gallego's wife (Buxton 1981, Appendix) and the intertwined Lucero, Trujillo, Archuleta, and Gallegos extended families of the Rio Arriba elite – many of whom Jesusita undoubtedly knew as friends and acquaintances - remained prominent landowners and merchants through the Territorial years (e.g. Jaramillo 1941:13-18; Buxton 1978, 1981)
Alternatively alarmed by the imminent arrival of Texan forces, some, at least in Santa Fe, were clearly worried, including the Vicar Ortiz who urged citizens to pray: presumably, for delivery, as the country was “up in arms” (T. Chavez 1990:72, 135). Rumors from the Governor of yet a second “invasion” of Texans in September, might have caused even greater alarm (ibid. p 133, n 44; the Texan expedition had become split, perhaps giving rise to rumors of a follow-up advance; e.g. Combs 1930). Thomas Rowland's supposed Texan loyalties and his association with Jesusita's sister and family might have prompted a decision by Jesusita (and others) to leave Santa Fe with her sister and husband until the scare abated. Possibly, this was reason enough for Rowland's brother, John, also suspected of Texan loyalties, to slip hastily away from Abiquiu for California (Sanchez errs in identifying the Rowland with the party as Thomas; 1997:128). If not merely coincidence, Eugenio Archuleta was at Santa Juan in October of 1841 where he served as padrino (Martinez et al 1994:547) and again he and his mother-in-law were padrinos at San Juan for his brother's child on November 8 of the same year (ibid. p. 21). Again, in 1843 Eugenio and his wife, Ana María Ortiz [de Pino], were padrinos at San Juan parish (ibid. p. 26) as was Jesusita, serving as madrina with the priest Gallegos.
In addition to their mother’s presence at San Juan, in April of 1843, Mariano and Francisca Hinojos were padrinos there in January of that year (Martinez et al 1994:421-22) and I assume, with their mother, were residents by then. Mariano was padrino for a Ute boy belonging to Don Antonio María Trujillo and Doña María Antonia Lucero, vecinos de la plaza de los Angeles, on 2 June, 1844 (ibid. p. 585) and with his sister, Francisca, in San Juan parish on 10 June, 1844 (ibid. p. 494). María de Jesús Trujillo was identified as a resident in Rio Arriba in August, 1845 (Hinojos Family Papers, # 17); possibly the same year in which her siblings sold their father's mill and acequia rights in Santa Fe to Manuel Gallegos (Hinojos Family Papers, No.18, dated January 9, 1846).
If we are to continue to believe Padre Martinez' account, in the same letter to Zubiria in 1844, with reference to Gallegos' “illicit love affair,” he wrote:
It is even said that [Gallegos] has written his mother and to a brother to try to persuade
them that pursuing the said relationship with that woman is as decorous as are spouses
in a marriage and to this purpose he cited some passages in the Epistles of the Apostle
St. Paul (Steele, n.d. p. 62; my emphasis on the rumor).
Whatever the nature of their association, Jesusita and her children were in Albuquerque in late May of 1846 when Mariano and Francisca were padrinos there for a son of Manuel's brother, Don Ambrosio Armijo (merchant; Boyle 1996:129-30) and Doña Candelaria Otero (Albuquerque Baptisms1983:615). That they also occupied Gallegos' home, the rectory at San Felipe Neri church is evident, as Jesusita “graced the establishment” in October of that year when Lt. Abert was entertained by Gallegos there and they were counted among the occupants of Gallegos' home in the US Federal Census of 1850.
Jesusita's social prominence and that of her children is evident by the marriage of Francisquita to Don José Leonardo Armijo, son of Don Juan and Doña Rosalia Ortega (Don Juan was a nephew of Manuel Armijo and he signed for the Ayuntamiento in 1846 approving ownership of the rectory), oriundos de los Poblanos, on February 24, 1851. Here, the priest wrote that Francisquita was the daughter of Don Blas Ynojos and Doña Jesusita Trujillo, oriundos de Santa Fe y vecinos de Albuquerque (Windham and Baca 2005:153). Francisquita's husband also was a merchant (Boyle 1996:130) and a list of goods he evidently had purchased with a loan from Gallegos – who sued Armijo for non-payment – appears in Bernalillo County civil suit documents (Bernalillo County Civil Court Documents, October term).
Mariano Hinojos was a witness on October 8, 1849 for a marriage in Albuquerque (Windham and Baca 1998:14) but his name is missing from the October 19, 1850 Albuquerque household census with Manuel Gallegos and Jesusita. By then he evidently had been sent off to Durango for schooling under the tutelage of “Don Águila” (so called in Gallegos' list of creditors against Jesusita's estate but who was in fact Señor Rafael Aguilar). In 1850, the only “colegio” at Durango was the Colegio Seminario with courses exclusively in ecclesiastical and legal studies, apparently affiliated with the Jesuits (Rick Hendricks, personal communication 12/21/10). As for Machebeuf's claim that Jesusita was engaged in commercial business, it is her son Juanito who is identified as a merchant, aged 15, in the 1850 census of Gallego's household. Whether acting on behalf of or with his mother, with Gallegos, or for himself in that capacity is unknown but neither Machebeuf nor Chavez provided evidence of Jesusita's 'business' ventures.
Horgan (1975) and Chavez (1985) have, in some detail, described the struggles of Machebeuf and Lamy to successfully wrest control, in 1852, of Albuquerque' San Felipe Neri parish and church from Gallegos – minus, of course, the rectory. Whether Jesusita was still resident in the rectory until that time is unknown. More likely, along with her daughter, she had taken up residence in Los Poblanos following Francisca's marriage into the Armijos of that place. By October of 1853, Gallegos was in Washington, having been elected to Congress and in January of 1854 wrote to “Señora Doña Jesusita Trujillo.” The letter begins: “Apreciable Señora,” chats about his reception in Congress, the friendly atmosphere of Washington, and his hopes that “mi Mariano” is well in Durango. Furthermore in his letter he hopes that Mariano might soon return with a cuñado from there and that Mariano might think of continuing his education in American colleges. He also reminded Jesusita to 'borrow' one or two thousand dollars against his goods from Armijo, Francisca's husband – presumably for her use (SRCA, Bernalillo County District Court files # 126, pertaining to monies owed by [Antonio] José [Leonardo] Armijo to Gallegos, 1856).
Those who had provided funds for Mariano's sustenance and schooling in Durango were all merchants: Nasario Gonzales of Santa Fe (400 pesos), José Chavez [y Castillo] of Albuquerque (100 pesos), Pablo Gallegos of Plaza Colorado at Abiquiu (300 pesos), and Nicolas Pino of La Cienega (700 pesos), one of the “discontentos” who plotted the December, 1846 uprising in Santa Fe (Twitchell 1963:276, 281). Manuel Gallegos, himself, contributed 200 pesos (10).
Although Jesusita's house near the church – the famous rectory – was lost to her as a result of her death in 1855, I suspect that hers was the last laugh. Machebeuf had left for the East in March, did not to return until July 24 (Horgan 1975:211) and on June 20, Fray Juan Guerin buried “Jesusa Trujio adulta,” who was interred in San Felipe church (“de Sepultera en la Yglesia”). Thus, although Machebeuf was victorious in the long run, it was, in one sense, over that damned female's dead body. If Machebeuf was aware of the irony, it is not recorded.
Just when Mariano did return from Durango I have been unable to determine, but he died in Santa Fe April 12, 1856, less than a year after his mother (Santa Fe County Book of Administrative Wills and Testaments, 1851-1864, pp. 64-66). His executers were Juan Estevan Sena and Justus McCarty (11) and his estate was later settled in favor of his sister, Francisca Hinojos (Santa Fe County Probate Court Journal, 1865-1883:351-52). Sena, the merchant, had been Jesusita's neighbor in the 1841 census and in 1860 his household census included Francisca Hinojos. Francisca had evidently recently returned from Albuquerque where her husband remained (12). Francisca's real estate was valued at $7,000.00 possibly including her mother's properties in Santa Fe and at El Gusano and her personal estate was listed at $1,000.00. Shortly thereafter Francisca must have begun construction on her home at 355 East Palace Avenue (Anonymous 1982:72) and on April 20, 1861 a son, Francisco de Paula Alfredo Hinojos, was baptized the same day he was born (Tafoya et al 2011:397) The father is not identified and Alfredo likely was adopted (13).
Whether one believes Jesusita to have been a “donna de mala vita,” a woman of 'loose morals', lady of ill repute, an “independent woman,” or simply one who's behavior, activities, and life-style reflected acceptable cultural and social mores, will depend on contemporary perspective and opinion. That she was a prostitute, however, is doubtful. That she might have had more than one casual affair following the death of Hinojos is neither evident nor unexpected. That she ultimately opted to cast her lot with a priest rather than with any number of her contemporary elite male acquaintances seems an unlikely career for one of her apparent social status. It is fairly apparent that the reprobation accorded her by Martinez and Machebeuf was a by-product of their own struggles for power and influence and she was unfairly castigated by them for her role as “independent women.” Their ex cathedra pronouncements must be considered in this light. Unfortunately, we can never know the nature and details of the relationship between Gallegos and Jesusita. That the two were close is obvious. That they were engaged in an “illicit love affair” likely never will be satisfactorily determined and we are left with mostly the innuendos and salacious details provided by distinguished men of the cloth.
1. These documents, apparently unavailable to Fray Angelico Chavez, are included in papers collected by the late Father Thomas J. Steele, S. J. from various sources, principally, from Valencia County Court files and from microfilm copies of documents provided him by the late Mary Taylor from the Archives of the Archdiocese of Durango. Father Steele provided me these and related documents, knowing my interest in the Jesusita and Gallegos affair – and having put aside his Gallegos-Machebeuf research in order to pursue other projects – thus, affording me the opportunity to continue my own interest. My sincerest thanks to the Office of State Historian and the Historical Society of New Mexico for awarding me a Fellowship under their Scholar's Program. The research fellowship has resulted in this essay.
2. But see LeCompte (1986) for other Nuevomexicanas in 'business'; also, MacLachlan and Rodriguez O (1980:243). Mary Jean Shaw (2007:17), discussing Gertrudis Barceló's activities wrote, “prostitution or fornication existed nevertheless” (my emphasis), but she provided neither documentation or other proof that Gertrudis Barceló, in fact, was a prostitute – although she might have been promiscuous. I have not encountered documented prostitution either in civil or religious records in New Mexico prior to the Territorial Period. In the original Spanish of Martinez' 1844 letter to Bishop Zubiría, the formal, “prostituta,” was used, rather than the more familiar, puta, with its implication of promiscuous sexual activity.
With regard to 'fornication', I counted some 14% of baptisms of Hispanic children at Santa Fe de padres no conocidos 1747-1848. Not included were obvious “indios de rescate” and those where one or the other parent was identified as Native American. This underscores, perhaps, the lack of “vows of chastity” in New Mexico that gave rise to such Yankee animadversion and censure of social mores. In contrast, however, only 7.2% of similar baptisms are recorded at Santa Cruz over the period 1710-1860 (Martinez et al 1992, 1993), suggesting that Miller's “lower-class” “folk-custom” might be a somewhat misleading, if not egregious statement. In this regard, Tocqueville's companion, Beaumont commented on “corruption” in garrison towns, referring to morals (Pierson 1938:46). Whether Santa Fe's higher incidence of illegitimate births is a reflection of the military presence, or some other socio-economic factor, might bear further research.
Chavez' bias notwithstanding, MacLachlan and Rodriguez O (1980:236), discussing sinvergüenza in Colonial Mexico, remarked that it is important to “distinguish between fornication and consensual unions which were considered an informal marriage,” and “the Church and the state recognized a woman's right to “divorce” - that is, legal separation (see LeCompte 1981). Although a “divorced” couple was no longer required to cohabit, neither spouse could remarry as long as the other lived. The Church accepted divorce, according to MacLachlan and Rodriguez O, “only in cases of extreme physical or spiritual danger to one of the parties” (ibid., pp. :238-239) A New Mexican “divorce” was granted in 1797 to Juliana Cordova and Juan Antonio Bernal, of Santa Cruz de la Cañada (Diligencias matrimoniales, Archives of the Archdiocese of Durango, Guide 1, Roll AHAD 196, Fr 0784; courtesy of Marina Ochoa)
To what extent New Mexico's Hispanas commonly solicited 'paying' customers for sexual acts prior to the influx of gringos with money and material goods to dispense liberally, is open to further research. That promiscuous adultery, apparently, was not normally condoned in fact, seems to have been the case, as the following indicate (SANM II: 178, 1715; 234, 1758; 473 and 481, 1805; 619, 1819; MANM, 1822, 1828; SRCA Sender Papers, # 283a, 1843; # 292, 1844; MANM 1845). The 1841 census of Santa Fe (Vigil 1983) provides specific occupations for many of her citizens, including many women, but prostitutes are not among those identified and not until the Territorial Period do the federal censuses identify prostitutes (e.g. Shaw 2007; LeCompte 1986). Griswold y Castillo (1984:87) notes that Mexican court records of the 19th century indicate that males were prosecuted as much as women “for violations of public morality.”
3. That Manuel Andrés was a carpenter, according to the 1790 census (Olmsted 1975:56, # 111), suggests that he might also have made santos. His children and grandchildren served as godparents for children and relatives of Anasstacio Casados (“escultor”), for a child of santero Jose Rafael Aragón, and for others of Aragón family and relatives. Jesusita's sister, María Luisa, married Antonio Benavides of Rio de Tesuque, home of – and quite possibly, a brother of - Jose Manuel Benavides, santero (Chavez 1991:147; Boyd 1974:384-85).
4. As for María Josefa Sanchez, said to have accompanied Padre José de Jesus Lujan, she was the daughter of Don Cristóbal and Doña María Ygnacia Rivera and was widowed (as Martinez noted), as a result of the death of Jesus María Alaríd, “el Chiquito,” at the hands of insurgents from Santo Domingo Pueblo on August 8, 1837 (LeCompte 1985:32; Meketa 1986:34; Waldo Alaríd has confused two men of the same name, 1997:106). In the 1823 census of Santa Fe, Josefa Sanchez, age 8, was living in the household adjacent to Francisco Trujillo and his family (Olmsted 1975:140), with her mother and Don Mariano Mestas. I assume, then, that Jesusita and Josefa were childhood friends. With Vicente Sanchez [Vergara], in September, 1837, Jesusita was madrina for an apparent relative of José de Jesus Lujan, a child having the same grandparents as the priest (Martinez et al 1992:252-53). Lujan was at Belen parish in 1844 when Josefa, again, was identified as the mother of a child de padres no conocidos at Santa Fe (Martinez et al 1992:479).
Horgan (1975:175) failed to record Machebeuf's 'affair' with Jesusita, but seemingly has confused – or has he? - the activities of the priest, Lujan, with the charges by Martinez and Machebeuf against Gallegos. Horgan noted that Lamy had learned that Lujan was “living in a most scandalous manner, keeping a very young and beautiful married woman in his house” (the citation is not provided, but presumably quotes Lamy). Horgan continued, “her husband would come and plead with her to come home, and even went to the bishop for help....” As noted, Josefa Sanchez, with whom Lujan was cited by Martinez, was a widow, in fact. To believe that Jesusita, or Sanchez, women whose livelihood allegedly depended on the sale of sexual favors for shelter and subsistence, were content to abandon such a lucrative business (“4000 pesos,” attributed to Jesusita, as a result, Machebeuf claimed) in favor of poor secular priests in the poorer parishes of northern New Mexico, strains credulity.
In his written“Apologia” (Romero 1928:332) Martinez boasted of having read all of the forty treatises of Cardinal Goti's “Scholastic Theology,” among which were those on “cohabitation of clergymen and women, on married clergymen, on clergymen not living in the church....” and so on. What the good Cardinal might have said concerning those issues might be of some interest in the light of Martinez' own activities and behavior.
5. Vicente Sanchez Vergara was baptized at Albuquerque in August of 1792 (Albuquerque Baptisms Archdiocese of Santa Fe, 1706-1850, 1983:549). “Lifelong resident of Albuquerque,” and widowed of María Josefa Padilla in 1816, he sought marriage with Ana María Petrona Mestas, whom he married the following year (Hendricks and Colligan 2000:95-96). Ana María Mestas was a sister of Rosalia Mestas, wife of “el Colorado,” José Francisco Armijo, brother of the Governor, Manuel Armijo. Chavez (1991:282) is in error in identifying him as the José Vicente Ferrer Sanchez Vergara, born in Laguna District (and see LeCompte 1985:170, note 80). Sanchez played crucial roles in the 1837 Rebellion (LeCompte 1985), was Armijo's secretary, and was elected deputy to the Mexican General Congress in 1842 (Bloom 1914:130, note 474). In August of 1837, a Vicente Vergara was identified in guia # 303, as conductor for Manuel Armijo y Mestas, son of “el Colorado” (Boyle 1994:132); but on September 2, Vicente Sanchez Vergara, with María de Jesús Trujillo, was padrino in Santa Fe! Seemingly, at least two men with the name are indicated.
6. A Francisco Romo, with Joaquin “Esques,” obtained guía #58 at Santa Fe for transporting goods to Sonora in 1827 (Weber 1967:33) and the 1831 Mexican Census at Santa Cruz, Sonora, included a Francisco Romo, adult, in the family of Ramon Romo (Sierras 1986), but whether it is the same man, I am ignorant. Manuel Romo de Vivar, certainly was a descendant of the family of Francisco Romo de Vivar, Sonoran merchant of the late 17th century; and José Romo de Vivar, colonizador. Fué de los primeros españoles que se establecieron en territorio sonorense a mediados del siglo XVII y el poblador del Pueblo de Bacanúchi. Varias veces fué Teniente de Alcalde Mayor y a partir de 1680 tuvo bajo su jurisdicción las Rancherías de Canance, Cocóspera, Huachuca y otras de la Pimería Alta (Almada 1952:698; Naylor and Polzer 1986:492 n 9). María de Dolores Romo de Vivar married Captain José Francisco Antonio Elias Gonzales, at Arizpe, Sonora, ca. 1747. Don Ygnacio Elias Gonzales, with his wife, Doña Soledad Grijalva, was stationed at Santa Fe's presidio between 1811 and 1815 (Windham and Baca 1997:35, 39). Mariano Montoya, uncle of Jesusita, married Josefa Elias Gonzales (Windham and Baca 1997:184). Don Simon Elias Gonzales, son of María Dolores and Elias Gonzales, as of August 1827, was Comandante General of Chihuahua and New Mexico. Brother Rafael served sporadically as interim governor of Sonora in the 1830s (see entries in Almada 1952:238-43). Romo de Vivar is not to be confused with Santa Fe's 18th century Romo de Vera family.
7. The 1841 Santa Fe census is undated but was certainly underway in the barrio of San Francisco in February when José Ylario Montoya, baptized 2/14/1841, was counted 15 days later in the census (household # 78, Vigil 1983:62; Martinez et al 1992:4). That the barrio's census was still being taken near the end of April is evident from the baptism of María Micaela Vigil (9/28/1840), who was counted seven months later, presumably, near the end of the month in the 94th household on the list (Vigil 1983:64; Martinez et al 1992:573). Of nine 'infants' counted in the census, for whom baptismal dates are found, four were counted in February, four in March, and one in April 1841 (households # 8, 29, 64, 71, 89, 94, 112, and 123). Jesusita's residence is listed as number 27 in the census, and it is certainly possible that she left town with her children in February, or possibly March, to join Gallegos at San Juan after being counted in the census.
8. Like María Luisa de Jesus, María Felipa de Jesus Trujillo's full name seldom was recorded (Martinez et al 1994:21, 37, 26, 214, 222, 230). I have been unable to establish any family relationship between Antonio María Trujillo, instigator of the 1847 Taos Rebellion, and Jesusita's grandfather, Manuel Andrés Trujillo.
9. See Morfi's “Disorders” for discussion of the economic benefits of tithe collections by the political elite (Simmons 1977). Members of New Mexico's “elite” (e.g. Gonzales 1989), Eugenio, his brother, Diego, and Don Antonio Trujillo were among the instigators of the aborted rebellions of 1846, as were the Vicar, Juan Felipe Ortiz, and several of his close Ortiz and [Ortiz de] Pino relatives (e.g. Twitchell 1963:277-81). Benjamin Read (1912:445) included “J. M. Gallegos” among the conspirators in 1846 at Santa Fe, but the possible participation of the Vicar and of Padre Gallegos has been discredited by Fray Angelico Chavez (1985:20-21), who claimed Read's “J. M. Gallegos” was another of the same name – presumably, in Santa Fe, but no other Jose Manuel Gallegos (or J. M.) is identified either in the 1850 Federal census, nor in the 1841 of census of Santa Fe. There is no specific indication that the priest, Gallegos, harbored anti-American feelings, and was likely at San Felipe in late December of 1846.
10. José M. Gallegos is identified as a merchant in the 1860 census (Boyle 1996:172); but no surviving guía exists for him prior to 1846. Nicolas Pino was counted in the 1850 household of his close relative, Ana María Ortiz and had been imprisoned for his role in the botched 1846 uprising (her husband, Eugenio, however, is not included in that census). Although Buxton (1981:22) reported that the family of Pablo Gallegos was “mortified by the conduct” of Gallegos, just what conduct is not specified; possibly, it was because of his “illicit friendship” with Jesusita. Nevertheless, the fact that his brother contributed to the education of Jesusita's son, suggests that, perhaps, it was Manuel's decision to go into Washington politics, or to converting to the Episcopalian faith. For an amusing and insightful anecdote concerning Pablo Gallegos – who once purchased Santa Fe's La Fonda hotel – see Bond 1946.
11. “Isac” McCarty and Ceran St Vrain, both from Missouri, occupied the same Santa Fe household in the 1850 census (p.151), but are identified as partners in Bernalillo County (Bernalillo County Deed Book A:16) in 1849. McCarty was a Bernalillo County district attorney and served as “agent” for Gallegos in his suit against Jose Armijo for non-payment of debt in 1856 (Bernalillo County Court, Civil Cases, October Term, 1853, SRCA). In October of 1855, Justus McCarty held power of attorney for the purpose of “taking and selling all lands” pertaining to the estate of Jesusa Trujillo (Bernalillo County Deed Book B: 259), but whether from Gallegos or from Jesusita, prior to her death, is not recorded.
12. Suit was filed in Bernalillo County District Court by José Armijo y Ortega against José Manuel Gallegos, in April of 1856, for “trespass,” and for having taken “by force and arms,” and for “carrying away” Francisquita Hinojos from his home (SRCA, Bernalillo County District Court Case #126, # 133, 1855-56). Neither specific details nor the reasons for Gallegos' actions are preserved but I assume they were sufficient to cause Francisquita to return to Santa Fe shortly thereafter and she might have obtained a divorce from Armijo under the circumstances. Armijo remained in Albuquerque, purchasing a share in the “Las Palomas” mine in the Sandia Mountains in 1860 (Bernalillo County Deed Book E: 167).
13. Alfredo Hinojos, for nearly 50 years the organist at St. Francis Cathedral, was married June 19, 1889 to Inés del Rosario Ortiz, daughter of Antonio Ortiz y Salazar and María del Refugio Duran (Padilla y Baca 2002:174). Ortiz y Salazar, a major player in Santa Fe's real estate ventures, including the rail yard properties (e.g. Snow 2010), was a scion of the various Ortiz families (Chavez 1992:329-32). Their only child, a daughter, died in infancy. It was Alfredo who, in 1948, donated Jesusita's treasured painting of La Divina Peregrina to St. Francis Cathedral (Chavez 1949). Unfortunately, the painting remains to be located within church property at present (Marina Ochoa, personal communication). Given the special relationship, as godparents, between Fray Hozio and María Josefa Montoya, Jesusita's mother, the painting might initially have passed from Fray Merino to Fray Hozio - as they were contemporaries at Santa Fe as late as ca. 1830 – and, thence, to María Josefa and ultimately, to her daughter.
I have not made an effort to track descendants of Juan Hinojos or Rosario Trujillo, Jesusita's other children – nor those of her brother's or sister's children. The 1870 US census of San Miguel del Bado includes ten Hinojos individuals (Jackson 1978:461), among them, Mariano Hinojos. Possibly this was a son of Juan Hinojos, also among the Hinojos residents of San Miguel at the time (neither Francisca nor her son Alfredo are listed in the 1870 New Mexico census). I assume that some, at least, of the Hinojos individuals in northern New Mexico might be descendants of Juan Hinojos, adopted son of María de Jesus Trujillo, ca. 1836.
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